Land Value Taxation will solve many of the 21st century's most serious social, economic and environmental problems, and promote justice, fairness and sustainability. We CAN have a world in which all can prosper.
Progress and Poverty, by Henry George Here are links to online editions of George's landmark book, Progress & Poverty, including audio and a number of abridgments -- the shortest is 30 words! I commend this book to your attention, if you are concerned about economic justice, poverty, sprawl, energy use, pollution, wages, housing affordability. Its observations will change how you approach all these problems. A mind-opening experience!
Henry George: Progress and Poverty: An inquiry into the cause of industrial depressions and of increase of want with increase of wealth ... The Remedy This is perhaps the most important book ever written on the subjects of poverty, political economy, how we might live together in a society dedicated to the ideals Americans claim to believe are self-evident. It will provide you new lenses through which to view many of our most serious problems and how we might go about solving them: poverty, sprawl, long commutes, despoilation of the environment, housing affordability, wealth concentration, income concentration, concentration of power, low wages, etc. Read it online, or in hardcopy.
Bob Drake's abridgement of Henry George's original: Progress and Poverty: Why There Are Recessions and Poverty Amid Plenty -- And What To Do About It! This is a very readable thought-by-thought updating of Henry George's longer book, written in the language of a newsweekly. A fine way to get to know Henry George's ideas. Available online at progressandpoverty.org and http://www.henrygeorge.org/pcontents.htm
Where Else Might You Look?
Wealth and Want The URL comes from the subtitle to Progress & Poverty -- and the goal is widely shared prosperity in the 21st century. How do we get there from here? A roadmap and a reference source.
Reforming the Property Tax for the Common Good I'm a tax reform activist who seeks to promote fairness and reduce poverty. Let's start with the enabling legislation and state requirements for the property tax. There are opportunities for great good!
I should have thought the question about raising rents had been,
to your own knowledge, enough answered by me. I have in several, if
not in many places, declared the entire system of rent-paying to be
an abomination and wickedness of the foulest kind, and have only
ceased insisting on that fact of late years, because I would not be
counted among the promoters of mob violence. The future, not only of
England, but of Christendom, must issue in abolition of rents, but
whether with confusion or slaughter, or by action of noble and
resolute men in the rising generation of England and her colonies,
remains to be decided. I fear the worst, and that soon.
The fate of empires, and the fortunes of their peoples, depend
upon the condition of the proprietorship of land to an extent which
is not at all understood in this country. We are a servile,
aristocracy-loving, lord-ridden people, who regard the land with as
much reverence as we still do the peerage and the baronetage. Not
only have not nineteen-twentieths of us any share in the soil, but
we have not presumed to think that we are worthy to possess a few
acres of mother earth.
The hospitals (of England) are full of the ancient. . . . The
almshouses are filled with old laborers. Many there are who get
their living with bearing burdens, but more are fain to burden the
land with their whole bodies. Neither come these straits upon men
always through intemperance, ill-husbandry, indiscretion, etc.; but
even the most wise, sober and discreet men go often to the wall when
they have done their best. . . The rent-taker lives on the sweet
morsels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes.
—Robert Cushman, Plymouth, 1621, in Young's "Chronicles of the
Published weekly, by Henry George,
at the office of The Standard, 25 Ann Street, New York
October 22, 1887
printed in The Standard,
October 8, 15 and 22, 1887
Mr. Edward Atkinson is a gentleman of whom I have no disposition to
speak in any other terms than those of respect and esteem. He
has done a vast amount of useful work; he is sincerely desirous of
promoting the welfare of mankind; he has done much for the
dissemination of sound ideas on economic questions, and he is always
sincere and earnest. His weakness is mostly in a too strong
conviction of his own infallibility, in the full persuasion that he
knows just what needs to be done, how it is to be done and when it
must be done, and a consequent peremptory method of disposing of
everybody as something very like a fool who does not agree with him
upon all these details. Thus, he has been for many years in
favor of free trade, and in former years he strenuously insisted
upon the vital importance of reform in that direction. He has
not recanted his opinions; but he has become more interested in
other questions, and now he has very little patience with, and
indeed, something very like contempt for, men who hold his opinions
as to free trade and think that issue more important than the new
questions which have recently attracted Mr. Atkinson's mind.
In May last Mr. Atkinson addressed the Boston labor lyceum,
ostensibly on the subject of the proposed eight hour law, but really
on the question, "How are the profits divided?" His address,
as revised, has but just come into my hands, and it raises some
issues which need further consideration and a broader view. In
reviewing its conclusions, it may be as well to accept its statement
of facts and statistics without dispute, for it is so evident that
Mr. Atkinson has overlooked important elements of the problem, upon
his own showing, that it is not worth while to enter into
controversy as to the facts or figures.
Mr. Atkinson claims that in $1,100,000 worth of cotton sheeting
there is not more than $145,000 profit to capitalists, while $15,000
go in taxes and $940,000 to labor. He makes no allowance
whatever for rent, except perhaps for the rent of the ground upon
which the mill stands. He assumes that 1,400 bales of cotton
can be grown upon land which pays no rent and costs nothing to the
cotton grower. Of course he makes no allowance for rent in the
cost of supplies, machinery, repairs, freight, etc. In one
place he says that rent does enter into the cost; in another he says
that if the landlord is taxed upon his rent he will add the tax to
the rent, and so it will enter into the cost; and finally he says
that rent amounts to a trifle less than 1% of sales, anyway.
Now the truth is that before this $1,100,000 worth of cotton
sheeting can get into the hands of the people there must be paid out
of the proceeds rent, or the interest on the cost of the land, which
is the same thing, on the land where the cotton is grown, on which
the supplies are manufactured, on which the railroad is laid, on
which the repairs are done, on which the sheeting mill is situated,
on which the great stores where the sheetings are sold stand, and,
finally, on which the residences of the 3,400 persons said to be
engaged in producing these goods also stand. All this is
plainly stated in Mr. Atkinson's "Distribution of Products."
We will leave Mr. Atkinson to reckon the amount of these items,
simply remarking that upon his own estimates the single item of the
rent of the stores in which the goods are sold would add $100,000 to
their cost, and that, making the most moderate allowance for the
rent of the other land used in this work of production, it is
obvious that rent alone would far exceed the whole sum Mr. Atkinson
has allowed to go to compensation for capital.
In the next place, Mr. Atkinson has fallen, for the moment, into the
old idea, long ago exploded by Adam Smith, but still current among
unthinking people, that what is spent by the rich in their personal
luxuries is as truly employed for the general good as that which is
spent in productive enterprise. He seeks to reduce the
$145,000 appropriated by capital by showing that much of this is
spent in employing labor. He might just as well include the
whole of it, because even the money which he charges to waste, as
spent on champagne, etc., is all paid out for labor of some kind.
The true rule is that nothing should be charged to labor except that
which is expended usefully and so as to promote reproduction.
A lord who employs a hundred servants to wait upon his idle and
useless person, not only wastes the money which he pays to them, but
also wastes their time and skill in occupations which neither help
him nor them to serve mankind any better than they would have done
before. Every dollar thus spent is devoted to waste, not to
THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH BY THOMAS G. SHEARMAN. II.
An Irish landlord, writing to the London Times, called particular attention to the fact
that, in case all the landlords should be expelled, the whole of
Ireland, outside of the large towns, would be left without a single
person whose annual income would exceed $1,500. To the wealthy
landlord who owns the Times,
this appalling fact seems to afford such conclusive proof of the
desolation and misery which would follow home rule that he deems it
superfluous to add a word of comment. He considers it quite enough
to say that no such state of things exists in any civilised country.
That it should be eventually brought about in Ireland, he evidently
believes, must be considered by every sane man as one of the most
frightful disasters which could befall the human race.
I am writing in Germany, the country from which have proceeded the
most important additions to the intellectual wealth of the world
during the last fifty years. The man who knows nothing of the
contributions made to history, to theology, to science, whether
abstract or applied, by German students, knows practically nothing
at all. What have been the income of the men who have thus enriched
the world! Rarely so much as $1,500; generally not half that amount.
Some of the world-famous German scholars accomplished their great
achievements on an income of less than $600 a year.
New England developed a marvelous degree of intellectual activity in
the colonial period of our history, though confined within a narrow
circle. But that was a period of small incomes and very little
accumulated wealth; nor did the few wealthy men contribute anything
of importance to the intellectual or moral development of the
people. What have the wealthy Irish landlords done for the
development of the Irish people in religion, morality or intellect?
What contribution has any wealthy Irish landlord ever made to
literature, science, art or high thought of any kind? What benefit
have these men of wealth conferred upon any part of the world in any
direction? They have just held a solemn meeting to answer these
questions, and their own testimony affords the best evidence against
them. They claim to have advised their tenants to improve their
stock, to introduce better methods of cultivation and to qualify
themselves generally to pay higher rents, while they themselves have
set excellent examples to their inferiors by taking good care of
Many years ago a practical joker inserted an advertisement in a
daily paper to the following effect: "Wanted, by a young gentleman
of good birth and breeding, board in a respectable family, where his
Christian example would be considered sufficient compensation for
his board." The Irish landlords do not advertise, but they get
precisely that for which the young man advertised in vain. Their
Christian example, however, has been chiefly directed toward
hunting, horse racing and hard drinking. Certainly, down to a period
less than fifty years ago, all accounts of Ireland agreed in this;
and except that the drinking is conducted with more moderation,
there seems no reason to believe that there has been any change.
A few snippets from the season premier of Downton Abbey and a preliminary program about the estate where it is filmed.
Like many others, I'm a fan of the Downton Abbey series. I think a lot about the economics of maintaining an estate that size -- how many people are involved -- how many breadwinners employed, and for whose benefit -- what the products are, what the opportunities are for local residents to live without being either employees or tenants, and what percentage of their annual income goes to support the owners of the land. Large spreads of land certainly reduce the pool of employers.
5,000 acres is 7.8 square miles. 5 times Central Park, I think they said. That's a circle of 1.57 miles radius. A long way from one's nearest non-tenant neighbor, even if they live right at one's perimeter! Small by Texas standards, perhaps, but its location within a reasonable radius of London makes it far more valuable.
It was 20% bigger when the current owner's grandfather owned it. Taxes "chipped away" at it. (Cui bono?)
The program focuses on the people involved in keeping the castle itself and its immediate grounds going; it doesn't mention the tenant farmers.
Watching the program about the Highclere property, I am reminded of a presentation I heard in Newport, Rhode Island, this fall, about the gardeners and property managers of the great estates there. They seemed to have more employers to choose from, since the typical estate in Newport might be a few acres.
Ah, there's a Rothschild in the picture! The wife of the 1890's occupant ... with a dowry.
Against all odds, Highclere survived ... in other words, they didn't need to sell off land to other people?
1500 acres of grazing ... an important source of income for generations ... and oats for the queen's (and others') racehorses. (Do the royals watch Downton Abbey?)
A straight-on view of one side of the castle suggested that one side was about 17 windows wide. I grew up in a subdivision "colonial-style" home, built about 1963, which was 5 windows wide on its front side. I thought it was huge!
The 3rd season premier:
@14 minutes: "The estate must be a major employer and support the house!"
In our society, established upon a very rigorous idea of
property, the position of the poor man is horrible; he has literally
no place under the sun. There are no flowers, no shade, no grass but
for him who possesses the earth. In the East these are the gifts of
God, which belong to no man. The proprietor has but a slender
privilege; nature is the patrimony of all.
"Of course the fact that a chief or land-owner has bought and paid
for a particular privilege or species of taboo, or has inherited
from his fathers, doesn't give him in any moral claim to it. The
question is, Is the claim in itself right and reasonable? for a
wrong is only all the more a wrong for having been long and
— GRANT ALLEN, The British
Barbarians. (Words spoken by Bertram.)
He may, and often he does, engross the first necessity of labor,
land, and neither use it himself or allow anyone else to use it, and
though it is clear that . . . he is injuring the community, the law
is sternly on his side.
— WILLIAM MORRIS, Signs of Change,
Land should be given to those who can use it.
— JOHN RUSKIN, Fors Clavigera,
Part II., Letter ii, p. 96.
A sig-file on a listserv brought to my attention a quote from St. Ambrose, which, to my surprise, Ernest Crosbydidn't include in his Earth-for-All Calendar:
"You are not making a gift of what is yours to the poor man, but you are giving him back what is his. You have been appropriating things that are meant to be for the common use of everyone. The earth belongs to everyone, not to the rich."
In the very first pages of Scripture we read these words: "Fill the
earth and subdue it."(19) This teaches us that the whole of creation is
for man, that he has been charged to give it meaning by his intelligent
activity, to complete and perfect it by his own efforts and to his own
Now if the earth truly was created to provide man with
the necessities of life and the tools for his own progress, it follows
that every man has the right to glean what he needs from the earth. The
recent Council reiterated this truth: "God intended the earth and
everything in it for the use of all human beings and peoples. Thus,
under the leadership of justice and in the company of charity, created
goods should flow fairly to all." (20)
All other rights, whatever
they may be, including the rights of property and free trade, are to be
subordinated to this principle. They should in no way hinder it; in
fact, they should actively facilitate its implementation. Redirecting
these rights back to their original purpose must be regarded as an
important and urgent social duty.
The Use of Private Property
"He who has the goods of this world and sees his brother in need and
closes his heart to him, how does the love of God abide in him?" (21)
Everyone knows that the Fathers of the Church laid down the duty of the
rich toward the poor in no uncertain terms. As St. Ambrose put it: "You
are not making a gift of what is yours to the poor man, but you are
giving him back what is his. You have been appropriating things that are
meant to be for the common use of everyone. The earth belongs to
everyone, not to the rich." (22) These words indicate that the right to
private property is not absolute and unconditional.
No one may
appropriate surplus goods solely for his own private use when others
lack the bare necessities of life. In short, "as the Fathers of the
Church and other eminent theologians tell us, the right of private
property may never be exercised to the detriment of the common good."
When "private gain and basic community needs conflict with one another,"
it is for the public authorities "to seek a solution to these
questions, with the active involvement of individual citizens and social
The Common Good
certain landed estates impede the general prosperity because they are
extensive, unused or poorly used, or because they bring hardship to
peoples or are detrimental to the interests of the country, the common
good sometimes demands their expropriation.
Vatican II affirms
this emphatically. (24) At the same time it clearly teaches that income
thus derived is not for man's capricious use, and that the exclusive
pursuit of personal gain is prohibited. Consequently, it is not
permissible for citizens who have garnered sizeable income from the
resources and activities of their own nation to deposit a large portion
of their income in foreign countries for the sake of their own private
gain alone, taking no account of their country's interests; in doing
this, they clearly wrong their country. (25)
Those interested in Catholic Social Thought should look for a new book which came out of a 2007 conference held at the University of Scranton, and edited by Professor Kenneth R. Lord of UScranton, entitled "Two Views of Social Justice: A Catholic/Georgist Dialogue." The version I've seen is the October, 2012, issue of The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, and I understand that it will be made available in other forms as well.
The abstract for the book:
Sixteen scholars have come together in this issue to examine eight social-justice themses from the perspectives of Catholic Social Thought and the philosophy of Henry George. The themes they address are natural law, human nature, the nature of work, the nineteenth-century papal encyclical Rerum Novarum, causes of war, immigration, development, and wealth, and neighborhood revitalization. While they sometimes wrangle with each other, their common aspiration is the same as their nineteenth-century predecessors,: to find solutions to the human suffering caused by injustice.
As you read this, recall that a single acre of urban land can be worth $250,000,000 or more -- over 23,000 times what the recently-doubled farmland described in this article sold for!! Also, it seems worthwhile to point out that 160 acres (one quarter of a square mile), at $10,700 each, works out to $1.7 million -- currently well below the threshold for the federal estate tax!
Consider, too, what it is that the land speculator brings to the process of production, and what he is rightly entitled to in a fair and just society, and what society is entitled to, and what the workers -- the farmer and his employees -- are entitled to, and what the capitalist -- the fellow who pays for the buildings and equipment -- is entitled to. Seems like the land speculator is making out awfully -- awefully! -- well but isn't producing or creating anything!! Why do we do things this way? Did the absentee landlord deserve a share of the crop the farmer created? If the farmer has to pay rent to someone, shouldn't it be the community? Wouldn't it be better if America's investors were motivated to put their funds into better equipment (capital) or employing people (labor)?
November 8, 2012
Howard Audsley has been driving through Missouri for the past 30 years to assess the value of farmland. Barreling down the flat roads of Saline County on a recent day, he stopped his truck at a 160-acre tract of newly tilled black land. The land sold in February for $10,700 per acre, double what it would have gone for five years ago.
Heading out into the field, Audsley picked up a clod of the dirt that makes this pocket of land some of the priciest in the state.
"This is a very loamy, very productive, but loamy soil," Audsley said. "A high-clay soil will just be like a rock and that's the difference between the ... soils. And the farmers know this and the investors know this. That's why they pay for it what they do."
A Steep Surge In Prices
not just the value of Missouri cropland that's rising. Corn Belt
farmland prices from Iowa to Illinois and Nebraska to Kansas have been
sky-high lately, boosted by $8-a-bushel corn.
paid about $3.3 million for [about 650 acres] in Southeast Illinois in
2009," said Diggle, who is the CEO of Singapore-based Vulpes Investment
Management. The company handles $250 million of investor money, about 15
percent of which is in farmland.The
high commodity prices have helped encourage investors like Steve
Diggle, who have no connection to farming, to compete for their very own
acreage in the Heartland.
year we sold it at auction and we got $5.1 million," he said, referring
to the Illinois farmland. "That's 55 percent higher than we paid. Plus
we got two yields — one of 3.5 percent and one of 5 percent. So, you
know, as an investment, that's 63 percent over three years. [It] is
great and we're extremely happy with it."
says his firm also purchased a 1,400-acre tract in Illinois two years
ago. The company plans to hold on to it to make money through cash rents
and land appreciation.
value of your land may go up or down. But as long as bond prices remain
where they are, it's very hard to see how we'll have a sustained bear
market for agriculture," Diggle said. By comparison, he said, the
extremely low returns in the bond market are "just so inferior."
A Safer Investment
You don't have to be a billionaire to invest in farmland.
professor Andy Trupin, who lives in Delray Beach, Fla., bought a
155-acre tract of farmland in Lebo, Kan., two years ago because it
looked like it would make him more money than gold or the stock market.
He also owns another tract that's primarily pastureland.
seemed like a much safer vehicle to get an income stream even though
... it's not a high-income stream. At least it's more than you would get
on Treasuries at any duration," Trupin said. "And at the same time,
[farmland offers] price appreciation or to at least [holds] its value in
the event of an inflation period."
investment has paid off so far, Trupin said. He rented out the land to a
local farmer who grows corn, soybeans and wheat. Even the brutal
drought failed to knock down the investment.
we managed to get 20 bushels to the acre of corn even though the place
was as dry as Las Vegas last year," Trupin said. "I'm willing to let the
income from this thing fluctuate. In bad years, it's a slight loss —
maybe a couple of thousand on the year — and in good years, you gain up
to $10,000 on it."
found the land online and got help purchasing it by Realty Executives
of Kansas City. The company says 90 percent of its new customers are
investors like Trupin, and it holds seminars for investors that walk
them through the process of evaluating and buying farmland and how to
find local farmers to rent the land.
probably a higher percentage now of people who are strictly investors,
stock market people, money-market-type investors, and ... they're buying
all types of land," said Dale Hermreck, a broker for Realty Executives
who says he sold $21 million worth of farmland in Kansas last year.
have a lot of outside interest from Texas, Chicago, New York," Hermreck
said. "I get calls and inquiries all over the United States."
The Specter Of A Bubble
to University of Missouri agriculture economist Ron Plain all of this
sounds a bit like the housing bubble burst of 2006. He is concerned a
similar bubble could be happening in farmland.
get several years going up faster than that long-term trend of 6
percent [annual increases] and you're then in a situation where you're
sort of due for a correction," Plain said. "And the way you correct is
pull those land values down — or 'pop the bubble' ... and so there's
concern about that and it's kind of reasonable to worry."
said that with mortgage rates at their lowest in 60 years, it's
reasonable to expect the cost of borrowing to go up eventually. And if
crop prices retreat from record highs, he said, that means "less income
per acre and therefore less ability to pay for farmland."
a bubble burst, farmland might be harder to sell, especially compared
with other more liquid investments. But investors argue that any bubble
is still far off, and they believe that farm acreage will remain a solid
long-term investment so long as the demand for food continues to grow.
remains to be seen whether investors will be able to compete with
farmers for the small supply of high-quality cropland available in the
Midwest, says broker Hermreck.
have people call me all the time and I just don't have what they're
looking for," Hermreck said. "Simply supply and demand. It's just not
there. I could sell an awful lot more of this land if it was available.
And people seem to hang on to something that's making some money and
real popular. It's just real popular now to own land."
Fentress Swanson reports from Missouri for Harvest Public Media, an
agriculture-reporting project involving six NPR member stations in the
Midwest. For more stories about farm and food, check out harvestpublicmedia.org
The game’s true origins, however, go unmentioned in the official literature. Three decades before Darrow’s patent, in 1903, a Maryland actress named Lizzie Magie created a proto-Monopoly as a tool for teaching the philosophy of Henry George, a nineteenth-century writer who had popularized the notion that no single person could claim to “own” land. In his book Progress and Poverty (1879), George called private land ownership an “erroneous and destructive principle” and argued that land should be held in common, with members of society acting collectively as “the general landlord.”
Magie called her invention The Landlord’s Game, and when it was released in 1906 it looked remarkably similar to what we know today as Monopoly. It featured a continuous track along each side of a square board; the track was divided into blocks, each marked with the name of a property, its purchase price, and its rental value. The game was played with dice and scrip cash, and players moved pawns around the track. It had railroads and public utilities — the Soakum Lighting System, the Slambang Trolley — and a “luxury tax” of $75. It also had Chance cards with quotes attributed to Thomas Jefferson (“The earth belongs in usufruct to the living”), John Ruskin (“It begins to be asked on many sides how the possessors of the land became possessed of it”), and Andrew Carnegie (“The greatest astonishment of my life was the discovery that the man who does the work is not the man who gets rich”). The game’s most expensive properties to buy, and those most remunerative to own, were New York City’s Broadway, Fifth Avenue, and Wall Street. In place of Monopoly’s “Go!” was a box marked “Labor Upon Mother Earth Produces Wages.” The Landlord Game’s chief entertainment was the same as in Monopoly: competitors were to be saddled with debt and ultimately reduced to financial ruin, and only one person, the supermonopolist, would stand tall in the end. The players could, however, vote to do something not officially allowed in Monopoly: cooperate. Under this alternative rule set, they would pay land rent not to a property’s title holder but into a common pot—the rent effectively socialized so that, as Magie later wrote, “Prosperity is achieved.”
Readers of this blog know that Lizzie Magie had created her game and started to promote it by the Fall of 1902.
“Monopoly players around the kitchen table”—which is to say, most people—“think the game is all about accumulation,” he said. “You know, making a lot of money. But the real object is to bankrupt your opponents as quickly as possible. To have just enough so that everybody else has nothing.” In this view, Monopoly is not about unleashing creativity and innovation among many competing parties, nor is it about opening markets and expanding trade or creating wealth through hard work and enlightened self-interest, the virtues Adam Smith thought of as the invisible hands that would produce a dynamic and prosperous society. It’s about shutting down the marketplace. All the players have to do is sit on their land and wait for the suckers to roll the dice.
Smith described such monopolist rent-seekers, who in his day were typified by the landed gentry of England, as the great parasites in the capitalist order. They avoided productive labor, innovated nothing, created nothing—the land was already there—and made a great deal of money while bleeding those who had to pay rent. The initial phase of competition in Monopoly, the free-trade phase that happens to be the most exciting part of the game to watch, is really about ending free trade and nixing competition in order to replace it with rent-seeking.
This is a good article, and I commend it in its entirety to your attention. It also provides links to Tom Forsythe's new site, http://landlordsgame.info/, whose graphics show many early versions of the Landlord's Game, which I look forward to exploring. I learned for the first time that the game layout that I had thought was an early one, with a lake in the center, was actually a 1939 version, based on Lizzie Magie's design but published by Parker Brothers. (I ought to have figured that out sooner, since the board includes her married name!)
It is interesting that one of the earlier versions -- 1909 -- was based on Altoona's streets. In the past year, Altoona has shifted to taxing land and not taxing buildings to fund its municipal spending. (This was a gradual shift, accomplished over a number of years; they must have liked the effect!)
Equity, therefore, does not permit property in land. For if
one portion of the earth's surface may justly become the
possession of an individual and may be held by him for his sole use
and benefit as a thing to which he has an exclusive right, then
other portions of the earth's surface may be so held; and eventually
the whole of the earth's surface may be so held; and our planet may
thus lapse into private hands.
— HERBERT SPENCER, in 1850, Social
Statics, Chap. IX.
In the early ages of society it would have been impossible to
maintain the exclusive ownership of a few persons in what seems at
first sight an equal gift to all (the land) — a thing to which
everyone has the same claim.
— WALTER BAGEHOT (1826-1877),
Economic Studies, Essay I., Part I., p. 31.
Let us suppose that a people is excluded from the ownership of the
land. I say that this exclusion, even if followed by no other
injustice (which I think impossible), by making a man a stranger to
the commonwealth, makes him indifferent to the existence of the
— MARMONTEL, Address in Favor of
the Peasants of the North (1757), Oeuvres, Vol X., p. 72.
Any settlement of the land of a country that would exclude the
humblest man in that country from his share of the common
inheritance would be not only an injustice and a wrong to that man,
but moreover would be an impious resistance to the benevolent
intentions of the Creator.
One of my tenants I have just let off from his lease, because he
thought he could do better with less land. This takes off about a
sixth of my income. Another has not yet paid me a cent, and I
cannot ask him for it, since it seems to me that the man who tills
the land and makes it useful has a better right to it than he who
has merely inherited it.
— JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL (1848),
Letters, Vol. 1., p. 149.
I'm reading through the first issues of Henry George's newspaper, "The Standard," a weekly which was published in NYC beginning in January, 1887. It was started shortly after the mayoral race of 1886 (chronicled in Post & Leubuscher's December, 1886 book), and in the 4th issue there is a very explicit article about the role that Rome was attempting to play in NYC politics by removing from the priesthood an activist priest, the much-loved Dr. Edward McGlynn, of St. Stephen's Church, on 28th Street in Manhattan, the largest parish in the city. (This was before the creation of New York City by combining the five boroughs.)
For over 20 years, McGlynn had been living among New York's poor, hearing the confessions of the poor, and knew how hard their lives were. He knew the situation in Ireland which had brought many of them to the U. S., and when he read Henry George's 1879 book, "Progress and Poverty," he found the cause of their suffering, and saw how to correct the underlying cause of poverty.
The article to which I refer is entitled, "From a Brooklyn Priest"
The Body of the
Catholic Clergy Sympathize With Dr. McGlynn
The Brooklyn Times prints an interesting
interview with “a well known parish priest” of that city. His
name is not given "for obvious reasons,” but those acquainted
with the Catholic clerics of Brooklyn have little difficulty in
attributing it to the most popular and influential of the
Catholic clergy of that city. We make the following extracts:
“The sympathy of the body of the Catholic clergy in New
York and Brooklyn is undoubtedly with Dr. McGlynn. I have talked
with a great many of my brother priests of both cities on the
matter, and almost without exception, they have taken Dr.
McGlynn's side in the controversy, though they would be loth to
do so publicly for manifest reasons. The sentiment of the body
of the Catholic clergy of the two cities is that whatever has
been done in Dr. McGlynn's case has been done by inspiration from this side. Of course the question at issue does
not at all touch matters of faith. It is purely a question of
discipline. The authorities at Rome know little or nothing of
the real state of affairs at this side of the Atlantic except as
they are inspired by the archbishop of the different provinces.
Archbishop Corrigan is in daily communication with Rome by
cable, and the views of the controversy between Dr. McGlynn and
his superior that are entertained at Rome pending the personal
appearance of Dr. McGlynn in the Eternal City, are the views of
the archbishop of New York that are telegraphed and written
“I do not mean to imply that Archbishop Corrigan would
willfully misrepresent the situation here, but I do say that Dr.
McGlynn, with all his experience as a priest in the American
metropolis, with all his practical knowledge of the condition of
the poor and of the working classes in that city, is a better
judge of the political needs of the masses in New York than
Archbishop Corrigan is, who has spent the greater part of his
career as an ecclesiastic in the state of New Jersey; and I hold
that Dr. McGlynn and every other Catholic priest has the right
to take an active part in the politics of the country. To say
that a man of the acknowledged piety and the blameless life of
Dr. McGlynn sympathizes with anything that smacks of communism
or anarchy is the veriest nonsense to anyone who knows him — and
who does not know everything about him today? Dr. McGlynn, as a
priest, knows the awful burdens which the laboring classes of
New York city have to bear through political misrule and the
corrupt combination of capital to oppress them. He knows how
anomalous that condition of things is which allows one man to
accumulate a hundred millions of dollars within 25 years and compels another to work for a dollar a day, nay, while
thousands, anxious for work, are starving for the lack of it.
Hence his support of the candidate of the labor party for mayor.
Dr. McGlynn did not believe that anarchy or communism would
follow in the wake of the election of Henry George to the
mayoralty of New York any more than he believed that Mr. George,
as the chief executive of the municipal government across the
East river could put his land theories into practical operation
in the metropolis. Any possible change in the government of New
York city must be a change for the better, so far as the poor
“If the bishops of the dioceses in the United States
were taken by Rome from among the clergy of these dioceses who
thoroughly understand the social and political conditions of
their people, there would be none of these disciplinary
troubles. What sense is there in sending an Italian priest to
Canada or an Irish priest to Guatemala as bishop? Or why should
a bishop be transferred from a city in the state of New Jersey
to preside over the archdiocese of New York when there are many
able and holy priests in the metropolis worthy of election to
the prelacy who have spent their lives among the masses of the
people? In countries where the canonical law of the church is in
practical application the parish priests of a diocese in which
the bishopric becomes vacant send three names to Rome by majority
vote. One is set down as dignus, or worthy, another as dignior,
or more worthy, and a third as dignissimus, or most worthy. Any
one of the three may be selected, and it sometimes happens that
it is the lowest on the list who is chosen. The pope has the
absolute power to go outside the list sent to him from the
diocese in which a vacancy occurs, but it is a power rarely
exercised and only for the most exigent reasons. If the canon
law applied in America, which is only yet a missionary country
and subject to the propaganda at Rome, Dr. McGlynn could not
have been turned out of St. Stephen's church as he has been and
his salary would have run on despite his suspension until his
case was finally decided at Rome.
“It is most unfortunate that the canon law does not
apply in the United States, and that the political, social and
educational situation in this country is not better understood
at Rome. Wealthy Catholic politicians have too much to say on
church policy in this country; and unfortunately that is today
the trouble in New York city. The masses of the Catholic clergy
say, 'Hands off.' As long as bishops, with whom wealthy
politicians are most powerful, practically say who shall be
elected to the prelacy in the United States there will be a
chance for trouble among the laity.
“I am satisfied that if a majority of the Catholic
clergy of the dioceses of New York and Long Island could do it
Dr. McGlynn would have been elected archbishop and Archbishop
Corrigan would have been allowed to remain in New Jersey. I
unhesitatingly say that if the votes of the Catholic clergy in
these two dioceses could do it Dr. McGlynn would be restored to
St. Stephen's parish tomorrow. No old priest of New York city
wanted to succeed Dr. McGlynn in that parish, for they all knew
how his congregation idolized him. I am also free to say that if
Archbishop Corrigan had not been brought from the state of New
Jersey to New York city this trouble would never have occurred.
“Mgr. Preston is the bitterest foe that Dr. McGlynn has
in the diocese of New York. I do not mean to imply that the
monsignor entertains personal animosity toward the ex-rector of
St. Stephen's church, but he is utterly opposed to what Dr.
McGlynn stands for as an American citizen. Mgr. Preston is an
aristocrat and the associate of aristocrats. Even converts to
the Catholic church who know Father Preston well have admitted
that the monsignor dearly loves the privileges which attach to
church dignitaries in Catholic countries, and is inclined to ape
the civil ceremonial of such communities in his intercourse with
his flock. Dr. McGlynn is poor, is of the poor and loves to
associate with the poor. He is in this respect the antithesis
of Mgr. Preston, and the latter is a confidential adviser of
This article, more than anything else I've read, brings home to me the extent to which the rich manage even the Church for the benefit of the rich, to the detriment of the poor. When a priest who seeks to correct the unjust structures is deprived of his priesthood because he might upset the privileges of the rich, the country and the church are both in trouble.
When churches benefit from contributions from wealthy contributors, they will tend to act to enforce the structures which enrich those wealthy contributors, rather than rocking the boat in any way. When economic structures funnel the community's wealth into a relative few pockets, the Church will tend to embrace those pockets, not challenge the structures. Money in elections is not the only corrupting force.
That which is yet wanting on your part to be done is this, to see
that the oppressor's power be cast out with his person; and to see
that the free possession of the land and liberties be put into the
hands of the oppressed commoners of England.
— JERRARD WINSTANLEY,
Epistle Dedicatory to Oliver Cromwell, in
The Law of Freedom in a
Platform, or True Magistracy Restored.
"But how is it that you allow these chiefs — landlords, don't you call them? — to taboo the
soil, and prevent you all from even walking on it? Don't you see
that if you choose to combine in a body, and insist upon the
recognition of your natural rights — if you determined to make the landlords give up
their taboo, and cease from injustice, they'd have to yield to you?
And then you could exercise your natural right of going where you
pleased, and cultivate the land in common for the public benefit,
instead of leaving it as now, to be cultivated anyhow, or turned
into waste, for the benefit of the tabooers?"
— GRANT ALLEN, The British
Barbarians (Words spoken by Bertram).
We . . . may solace our minds with the imagination of right-minded
Englishmen . . . acting as a commission to draw up a list of the
thoroughly bad landlords, . . . and then bringing their
list back to London and saying, "Expropriate these, as the monks
were expropriated, by Act of Parliament."
— MATTHEW ARNOLD, The
Incompatibles, Irish Essays, p. 33.
The nobility and gentry and even those holy men, the abbots, not
content with the old rents that their farms yielded, nor thinking it
enough that they, living at their ease, do no good to the public,
resolve to do it hurt instead of good. . . . As if
forest and parks had swallowed up too little of the land, those
worthy countrymen turn the best inhabited places into solitude.
I have been assured . . . that a young
healthy child, well nursed, is at a year old a most delicious,
nourishing and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked or
boiled. . . . I grant this food will be somewhat dear,
and therefore very proper for landlords, who, as they have already
devoured most of the parents, seem to have the best title to the
If you know how to defend your rights, if you accomplish your duty,
this frightful disorder will cease, the human race, lifted up after
its long downfall, will no longer be the property of a few tyrants,
neither will the earth be their exclusive heritage. All will
share in the good things destined by Providence for all.
— ABBE LAMENNAIS, The Book of the
People, Chap. XVI.
I can easily imagine a great proprietor of ground rents in the metropolis calling attention to the habitations of the poor, to the evils of overcrowding, and to the scandals which the inquiry reveals, while his own income is greatly increased by the causes which make house-rent dear in London, and decent lodging hardly obtainable by thousands of laborers.
The ordinary progress of a society which increases in wealth is at all times to augment the incomes of landlords — to give them both a greater amount and a greater proportion of the wealth of the community, independently of any trouble or outlay incurred by themselves. They grow richer as it were in their sleep, without working, risking or economizing. What claims have they, on the general principles of social justice, to this accession of riches?
— JOHN STUART MILL, Principles of Political Economy, Book V., Chap. 2, Sec. 5
The unqualified ownership of land thus established (viz., "in a way which in this age would be regarded as monstrous and corrupt"), enables the land-owning class to reap a wholly unearned benefit at the expense of the general community.
— FRANCIS A. WALKER, Political Economy, Part VI., Chap. 7, Sec. 418.
Instead of putting themselves in this odious point of light, one would think they would wish to let Time draw his oblivious veil over the unpleasant modes by which lord ships and demesnes have been acquired in their and almost in all other countries.
— EDMUND BURKE, Letter to Richard Burke, Works, Vol. VI., pp. 75-6.
If the new Czar were to ask me what I should advise him to do, I would say to him: Use your autocratic power to abolish landed property in Russia, and to introduce the single-tax system, and then give up your power and give the people a liberal constitution.
— COUNT LEO TOLSTOY, Progressive Review, August, 1897, p. 419, note.
What climbing Scot could tamely see Upon a mountainous border, "This hill path shall alone be free To sporting lords. By order" — As well lay tolls upon men's eyes, Arrest the clouds' swift motion, Trap the free air, divide the skies, And parcel out the ocean.
— ROBERT BIRD, The Freedom of the Hills, Songs of Freedom, p. 295.
There was a lord that hight Maltete. . . . With a grace of prayers sung loud and late, Many a widow's house he ate; Many a poor knight at his hands Lost his house and narrow lands. . . . The great lord, called Maltete, is dead; Grass grows above his feet and head, And a holly bush grows up between His rib-bones gotten white and clean. Deus est Deus pauperum.
— WILLIAM MORRIS, The God of the Poor, Poems By the Way, pp. 77, 87.
The man of wealth and pride Takes up a space that many poor supplied — Space for his lake, his park's extended bounds, Space for his horses, equipage and hounds; The robe that wraps his limbs in silken cloth Has robbed the neighboring fields of half their growth; His seat where solitary sports are seen Indignant spurns the cottage from the green; Around the world each needful product flies, For all the luxuries the world supplies, While thus the land adorned for pleasure all In barren splendor feebly waits the fall.
The essential principle of property being to assure to all persons what they have produced by their labor and accumulated by their abstinence, this principle cannot apply to what is not the product of labor, the raw material of the earth.
— JOHN STUART MILL, Political Economy, Book II., Chap. 2, Sec. 5.
When the "sacredness of property" is talked of, it should always be remembered that any such sacredness does not belong in the same degree to landed property.
— JOHN STUART MILL, Political Economy, Book II., Chap. 2, Sec. 6.
The difference between serfdom as in Russia, and landownership as in England, and particularly between the serf, and the tenant, occupier, mortgagor, etc., is more in form than in fact. Whether I own the peasant, or the land from which he must obtain his nourishment, the bird or its food, the fruit or the tree, is practically a matter of small importance.
— SCHOPENHAUER, Parerga and Paralipomena, Vol. II., Sec. 126.