Land Value Taxation will solve many of the 21st century's most serious social, economic and environmental problems, and promote justice, fairness and sustainability. We CAN have a world in which all can prosper.
Progress and Poverty, by Henry George Here are links to online editions of George's landmark book, Progress & Poverty, including audio and a number of abridgments -- the shortest is 30 words! I commend this book to your attention, if you are concerned about economic justice, poverty, sprawl, energy use, pollution, wages, housing affordability. Its observations will change how you approach all these problems. A mind-opening experience!
Henry George: Progress and Poverty: An inquiry into the cause of industrial depressions and of increase of want with increase of wealth ... The Remedy This is perhaps the most important book ever written on the subjects of poverty, political economy, how we might live together in a society dedicated to the ideals Americans claim to believe are self-evident. It will provide you new lenses through which to view many of our most serious problems and how we might go about solving them: poverty, sprawl, long commutes, despoilation of the environment, housing affordability, wealth concentration, income concentration, concentration of power, low wages, etc. Read it online, or in hardcopy.
Bob Drake's abridgement of Henry George's original: Progress and Poverty: Why There Are Recessions and Poverty Amid Plenty -- And What To Do About It! This is a very readable thought-by-thought updating of Henry George's longer book, written in the language of a newsweekly. A fine way to get to know Henry George's ideas. Available online at progressandpoverty.org and http://www.henrygeorge.org/pcontents.htm
Where Else Might You Look?
Wealth and Want The URL comes from the subtitle to Progress & Poverty -- and the goal is widely shared prosperity in the 21st century. How do we get there from here? A roadmap and a reference source.
Reforming the Property Tax for the Common Good I'm a tax reform activist who seeks to promote fairness and reduce poverty. Let's start with the enabling legislation and state requirements for the property tax. There are opportunities for great good!
The men of olden times believed that above all moderation should be observed in landholding, for indeed it was their judgment that it was better to sow less and plow more intensively. To confess the truth, the latifundia [large landed estates] have ruined Italy, and soon will ruin the provinces as well.
"Your great city church stands yonder — your grand cathedral. It is named after a tent-maker — after the man who said "If a man will not work, neither shall he eat." Let us suppose the Apostle Paul coming amongst us and seeing how people lived. We will not suppose his going to the West-end and seeing how those got on who never did a stroke of work in their lives, but we will imagine him paying a visit to certain of our societies, and finding them engaged in devising means to help the poor. "Why do they not work?" would be the Apostle's first and natural question. If he were told that there was no work for them to do, what would he say? 'No work? Why do they not go out and catch some fish?' 'Oh the fish are PRESERVED -- and the game is PRESERVED.' The Apostle might go on to ask, 'Then why do they not cultivate the land?' 'Oh, the land is OWNED,' would have to be the answer. I thought of this, could not help thinking of it, as I traveled over miles and miles of land in coming here. 'The land is owned,' would be the answer given to the Apostle, and what would he say to such a state of society?"
Interesting comments on a number of things, including doctors, slaves, soldiers, income inequality, sobriety, thrift, poverty,
Bad as we are, I believe that if we all understood how we are living,
and what we are doing daily, we should make a revolution before the end
of the week. But as we do not know; and as many of us, forseeing
unpleasant revelations, do not want to know; I can only assure you that I
am in perfect concord with standard economists when I state that
competition is the force that makes our industrial system self-acting.
It produces the effects which I have described without the conscious
contrivance or interference of either master on the one hand, or slave
on the other. It may be described as a seesaw, or lever of the first
order, having the fulcrum between the power and the weight.
The so-called right of private property is a convention that every man
should enjoy the product of his own labour, either to consume it or
exchange it for the equivalent product of his fellow labourer. But the
landlord and capitalist enjoy the product of the labour of others, which
they consume to the value of many millions sterling every year without
even a pretence of producing an equivalent. They daily violate the right to which they appeal when the socialist
attacks them. Nor is their inconsistency so obvious as might be
expected. If you violate a workman's right daily for centuries, and
daily respect the landlord's right, the workman's right will at last be
forgotten, whilst the landlord's right will appear more sacred as
successive years add to its antiquity. In this way the most illogical
distinctions come to be accepted as natural and inevitable. One man
enters a farmhouse secretly, helps himself to a share of the farm
produce, and leaves without giving the farmer an equivalent. We call him
a burglar, and send him to penal servitude. Another man does precisely
the same thing openly, has the impudence even to send a note to say when
he is coming, and repeats his foray twice a year, breaking forcibly
into the premises if his demand is not complied with. We call him a
landlord, respect him, and, if his freebooting extends over a large
district, make him deputy-lieutenant of the country or send him to
Parliament, to make laws to license his predatory habits.
MUTUAL TOWN-BUILDING IN ENGLAND "GARDEN CITIES" OF INDIVIDUAL, DETACHED HOMES BUILT WITHOUT THE AID OF PHILANTHROPY — A BETTER PLAN THAN REBUILDING THE SLUMS
BY WILHELM MILLER
(who visited these cities to make a first hand study of them)
LETCHWORTH, "the perfect city," less than five years old but with 6,000
inhabitants, is thirty-four miles north of London and is reached by the
best trains in fifty minutes. It has 3,818 acres and its population is
limited to 35,000 inhabitants, so that there will never be any crowding.
The factory quarter can never be enlarged; it is situated as far as
possible from the residence quarter and the prevailing wind carries the
smoke away from the homes. Nearly one-sixth of the town site, or two
hundred acres, is perpetually reserved for open spaces, including parks,
jjlaygrounds, and a golf course.
And even if the surrounding country should build up as solidly as
London, the people of Letchworth are always sure of enjoying a beautiful
rural scene because a large belt is perpetually reserved for
agriculture. This belt comprises 2,500 acres, or 65 percent of the
whole estate. It will undoubtedly be occupied by market gardeners and
dairymen, for gardens yield about eleven times as much profit per acre
A man can buy a house at Letchworth or he can rent one, but he cannot
buy the land. He cannot even lease it for 999 years, because that would
enable him to sell or lease his property in such a way as to make a
profit from the unearned increment. He can lease the land for
ninety-nine years without revaluation and the improvements will not
revert to the landowner. In any case, he has every advantage enjoyed by
the man who owns the land outright — save one. He cannot get rich from what Henry George called the "unearned increment" but which in Letchworth is called the "collectively earned increment."
Even if he rents his house and land from week to week he cannot be
dispossessed by some one who offers more money. In the agricultural
belt, the tenant is allowed to continue in occupation as long as he is
willing to pay as much as anyone else, less 10 percent, in favor of the
Letchworth has been built upon a plan whereby people in any part of the
world can make a city that is practically perfect without asking any
rich man to give money, and without facilities for borrowing any large
amount. The essence of the scheme is to preserve to the people the
"collectively earned increment." The Letchworth people take some pride
in the use of this phrase, and justly. For, merely by moving to
Letchworth and living there they created in four and a half years a net
increase of half a million dollars. They do not get that half million
now, but some day they will get 95 percent of it in the form of
abolition of taxes. And that day, in my opinion will come in about
twenty years, for by that time the city should be able to pay back all
that its public works have cost.
THE TWO OTHER "GARDEN CITIES "
There are two other successful "garden cities," Bourneville, a suburb of
Liverpool built by the Cadbury Cocoa Works, and Port Sunlight near
Birmingham created by the Lever Brothers, soap manufacturers, solely for
Port Sunlight is the most beautiful because the Messrs. Lever have gone
to the unnecessary extreme of making no two houses alike. Also, they
have spent more upon ornamentation of
houses than is necessary and they plant and care for all the front yard gardens.
The tenants at Port Sunlight get more for their money than elsewhere for
two reasons. First, the rents are too low, because they are calculated
only to pay expenses. Second, the social institutions, though more
elaborate than elsewhere, cost the people nothing originally and they
can and do manage them so as to keep expenses down to the mininum.
THE "taint" of philanthropy
The one great drawback to the Port Sunlight idea is that it involves too
great an expenditure on the part of one man or one firm, and it is hard
to prove to a factory owner that the investment is worth while. In this
case, the factory owners disclaim all idea of philanthropy and are
positive that it pays, because their employees are healthier, happier,
more prosperous and therefore more efficient.
The Lever Brothers rejected all direct profit-sharing schemes because
they thought this the only plan that would benefit the wives and
children of the men. There is the keenest competition for a chance to
work in that factory and live in one of those houses. But all the
profits to the firm are indirect. Rarely, if ever, can they be expressed
in dollars and cents and indirect profits can never be expected to
weigh in the mind of the average employer against the appalling fact
that Lever Brothers have put about $1,700,000 into their paradise at
Port Sunlight and have never directly gotten back one cent.
In other words, if this is not philanthropy, it is too much like it to
be generally copied. Humanity cannot look to great employers for the
solution of the housing problem. And employees do not want philanthropy.
And at Bourneville there is less of the philanthropic spirit. The
employees of the Cadbury Cocoa Works get a normal social life, which the
people of Port Sunlight do not have. The cocoa workers are not obliged
to live in Bourneville and only 42 percent of the tenants at Bourneville
are employed at the Cadbury factory. Thus Bourneville is a mixed
community and the ideal community must be mixed — not merely industrial,
or suburban, or composed exclusively of any one class. It is sad to see
the magnificent clubs, lecture halls, baths, and other social features
at Port Sunlight languish for attendance, but it is only human nature.
On getting home after a day's work, a man wants to forget thoughts of
his work. And if he lives in a city where every house and every person
he sees on the street suggests the workroom, he is bound to escape to
the next town where he can get a drink or otherwise forget his daily
routine. The only serious complaint which the tenants at Port Sunlight
have any right to make is that they live in the atmosphere of a single
Mr. Cadbury gave Bourneville to the people. How then does it escape the "taint" of philanthropy?"
A GREAT FUND FOR PROPAGANDA
It is true that Mr. Cadbury gave the property to a trust which
administers it for the benefit of the people, but eventually this trust
will be able to finance hundreds of other garden cities that will be
purely cooperative. For instance, people wishing to live in a "garden
city," where all the "collectively earned increment" benefits all alike
instead of going to the building up of individual fortunes, can form a
stock company with shares as low as $25. If the Bourneville trust
approves of their plan, it will lend them enough money to start a town.
But the company must pay it back, so that the Bourneville trust can use
it again and again.
How does the Bourneville trust hope to get this fund? Its income, which
is almost wholly rent, doubles every five years. At this rate, in fifty
years it will have an annual income of five million dollars. Long before
that, Bourneville will have reached its limit of population. And since
the trust never has to pay back the cost of the houses, roads, or other
public works, it will be able to roll up a vast sum for the propagation
of the "garden city" idea.
The all-important point is that the Bourneville trust will never give
anyone something for nothing. It will merely lend money to people who
are building "garden cities."
THE HEALTH AND BEAUTY OF THESE CITIES
These are far healthier and more beautiful than cities that have grown
up normally; healthier because crowding is prevented by a limit to the
population and because more and better provision is made for outdoor
sports — to say nothing of architecture in which health is the first
thought. The average town death-rate in England is 15 per 1,000.
Letchworth has cut this down to 2.75. The birthrate at Port Sunlight is
twice the average for the rest of England.
The greater beauty of these garden cities lies chiefly in the
architecture and gardening. The houses and stores all conform to one
general style of architecture, but are never monotonous. Every building
must be approved by the city's architect. The houses are all of brick
and built to last. There are no long rows of houses just alike. The
first idea was to have no two houses alike but that is a needless waste
of money. For poor people it is impossible to get good houses cheap
enough without building three or four in a row and this row can be
duplicated in another part of town without harming the total effect.
Moreover, Bourneville has shown how much can be saved on ornamentation.
The plainest houses are transformed in three years by the use of
climbers. Bourneville's head gardener sees that every house has a
different set of vines. Not merely is the plainness soon hidden thereby,
but also the individuality of each home is notably increased.
Gardening is compulsory at Bourneville and Letchworth. If a tenant
neglects his garden at Bourneville and will not hire some one to weed
it, the estate notifies him that he will forfeit his lease unless he
makes his place look decent. But there have been only two cases of
The estate plants a hawthorn hedge all round each man's place, digs and
manures his vegetable garden, lays down the lawn, sets out dwarf fruit
trees, plants the climbers on his house, and digs his flower-beds. These
expenses are considered part of the cost of building and the rent is
based thereon. The tenant must keep it in good condition but he can buy
plants from the estate cheaper than from a nurseryman and he gets
instruction for nothing. There is no chance for a beginner to get
A FIVE-ROOM HOUSE FOR $7.80 A MONTH
I am almost afraid to tell how much a tenant gets for his money at one
of these garden cities. The cheapest houses at Bourneville rent for only
$7.80 a month, which includes taxes and water rates. Such a house
contains five rooms and a wonderful "folding bath" which stands up like a
cabinet when not in use. Clerks and artisans, however, generally pay
about $12.30 a month for seven rooms and an eighth of an acre.
The ideal amount of land at Bourneville is one-eighth of an acre, and
the average value of the fruits and vegetables produced on such a plot
is about $32.24 a year, or sixty-two cents a week the year round. The
smallest lots at Letchworth are a twelfth of an acre, which is the same
as 25 x 145 feet, and is 45 percent larger than the typical New York
lot, on which many families are allowed to live. In addition to these
direct benefits the tenant gets a chance to play cricket, tennis, bowls,
quoits, and hockey near by at no expense or at less cost than in an
All rents at Bourneville are figured at 8 percent of the cost. Taxes,
insurance and repairs cost 3 percent, leaving a profit to the
Bourneville estate of 5 percent. With this 5 percent, it employs a
permanent staff of about one hundred builders and has about fifty houses
under construction all the time.
OBSTACLES OVERCOME AT LETCHWORTH
The Letchworth company had its hands full with public works, for it had
to construct eight miles of road, eleven miles of sewers, and seventeen
miles of water main. Also it had to build a reservoir for water, a gas
making plant, and an electric power station to supply the factories, of
which it now has twenty-four. Another difficulty overcome was
transportation. The company has cooperated with the railroad so well
that its "commuters" can make their thirty-four miles to and from London
daily in less than an hour, though most trains require an hour and a
The income of the land company is partly from the sale of water, gas,
and electricity, but chiefly from ground rent. It never sells any land
or houses. Ground rent may seem a very small source of revenue, but
every man, woman and child in England contributes for ground rent an
average of $10.50 a year. The Letchworth company can, and doubtless
will, raise the ground rent as its limit of population approaches, but
even if it should raise it as high as the average for England, the
tenant will pay less than elsewhere, for taxes will eventually be
What is this you
call property? It cannot be the earth, for the land is our mother,
nourishing all her children, beasts, birds, fish and all men. The
woods, the streams, everything on it belongs to everybody and is
for the use of all. How can one man say it belongs only to him?
"The Lord's Prayer says, Give us this day our daily bread. Our
daily bread comes from the land. No man made the land. It is God's
gift to mankind. It belongs to all men. Therefore individual
ownership of land is wrong. Individual control of the fruits of the
land is wrong."
The fate of empires, and the fortunes of their peoples, depend
upon the condition of the proprietorship of land to an extent which
is not at all understood in this country. We are a servile,
aristocracy-loving, lord-ridden people, who regard the land with as
much reverence as we still do the peerage and the baronetage. Not
only have not nineteen-twentieths of us any share in the soil, but
we have not presumed to think that we are worthy to possess a few
acres of mother earth.
Here are the opening paragraphs of a recent article about the complexities of Ground Lease contracts. I commend the entire article to your attention. It helps flesh out why and how the entire FIRE sector -- Finance, Insurance and Real Estate (as well as their attorneys) -- is receiving such a large share of the profits produced by the productive sectors of the economy. The owner of land, and the entities which lend on land, and insure the buildings and the revenue flow, all reap significant shares of what the tenants labor to create. Modern sharecropping. And the recipients of the ground rent get to parade as self-made men, people of awesome foresight and wisdom -- and even philanthropists (think Brooke Astor, the Fishers, and others in your own community) when they donate a small share back to a charity! As you read this, think both of Manhattan land and of land in your community's central business district, and along its major roads. (Location, location, location!)
If one wonders why (true) small business struggles, one might consider the complexity and expense of their ground leases, and contrast that with the Georgist alternative: that one's taxes would be simply the current rental value of the land, while the value of the building remains one's private property, not subject to taxation or going pouf! at the end of a ground lease.
The land lord is "supplying" something he didn't create. We ought to ease him out. Land value taxation is the obvious tool for reducing, and -- slowly or not -- eliminating, his "take" on those who do create. Think what it would mean if working people had that spending power, instead of the lords of the land.
All that land rent could be used to fund our community's needs, instead of lining the pockets of a few very "lucky" -- privileged -- duckies. (The analogies to chattel slavery are not a long stretch, once one starts to think about it. We should all own ourselves, and reap the fruits of our own labors.)
A lease is a lease is a lease – or so you may think. Yes, real property leases grant an estate in land to a tenant for a period of time. And yes, the tenant pays for that right of possession. But the action in a lease isn’t in the conveyance provisions; it’s in the contract provisions. Multiply out the rent and other annual monetary obligations by the length of the lease term (in years), and you’ll see that it might be (and often is) a big dollar contract. Even more important, unlike the vast majority of contracts whose obligations are satisfied in days or weeks, a lease contract goes unfulfilled for 50, 75, “99,” and even 500 years. That takes it beyond the life of the parties involved in its creation, and the future brings surprises. Neither Nostradamus nor Jules Verne got everything right.
Why a Ground Lease?
If a tenant has to build its own building (as is often the case), and has all of the burdens of ownership, why would it lease a property knowing that at the end of the lease term it has nothing left to show for its money and efforts? There are a number of common reasons, principal among them is that the owner won’t sell the land and the tenant has no alternative.
Real property often carries a long term unrealized gain, waiting to be taxed upon its sale.
Not every landowner is interested in making further active real property investments. This makes a like kind exchange unappealing.
Ground leasing the same land keeps ownership in the family. At the owner’s death, because of the current estate tax “stepped up basis” arrangement, the built in gain may never be taxed.
The hospitals (of England) are full of the ancient. . . . The
almshouses are filled with old laborers. Many there are who get
their living with bearing burdens, but more are fain to burden the
land with their whole bodies. Neither come these straits upon men
always through intemperance, ill-husbandry, indiscretion, etc.; but
even the most wise, sober and discreet men go often to the wall when
they have done their best. . . The rent-taker lives on the sweet
morsels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes.
—Robert Cushman, Plymouth, 1621, in Young's "Chronicles of the
As soon as I see landed property established, then I see unequal
fortunes, and from these unequal fortunes must there not necessarily
result different and opposed interests, all the vices of riches, all
the vices of poverty, the brutalisation, the corruption of civil
—Jean Jacques Rousseau, "Douies sur L'Otdre Naturel."
The only point where I do not find myself in complete accord (and
that is perhaps more due to your comparative silence than anything
else) is that I attach relatively more importance to the initial
injustice done by the permitted monopoly of raw material in a few
hands. It seems to me that individualism, in order to be just, must
strive hard for an equalisation of original conditions by the
removal of all artificial advantages. The great reservoir of natural
wealth that we sum up as land (including mines, etc.) ought, it
seems to me, to be nationalised before we can say that the
individual is allowed fair play. While he is thwarted in obtaining
his fair share of the raw material, he is being put at a
disadvantage by artificial laws.
—Grant Allen, Letter to Herbert Spencer, 1886, in "Grant Allen, A
Memoir," by Edward Clodd.
This, the third and final instalment, appeared in The Standard, October 22, 1887:
DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH.
BY THOMAS G. SHEARMAN.
Having reached the conclusion that indirect, or as the writer first
called it five years ago, "crooked" taxation is certain to produce
enormous inequality of wealth, that it is palpably and indisputably
unjust, and that it inevitably leads to that worst form of
inequality which involves the perpetual ownership of more than half
of the wealth of a country by less than the one-hundredth part of
its inhabitants, we are prepared to take up the next and final
question in our series.
What can be done to effect a more equal distribution of wealth,
without diminishing its production?
Again let us waive the discussion of rent. Having purposely avoided
all consideration of that tender subject, we will not take it up
just now. Assuming that rent can rightfully be private property, and
that the community is not to claim it, simply as rent — conceding
all that the champions of private property in land claim — let us
inquire what, nevertheless, remains to be done and ought to be done,
in order to prevent the unjust use of government to the injury of
the poor, and to check the artificial tendency toward the monopoly
of wealth by a hundredth part of the population.
In our society, established upon a very rigorous idea of
property, the position of the poor man is horrible; he has literally
no place under the sun. There are no flowers, no shade, no grass but
for him who possesses the earth. In the East these are the gifts of
God, which belong to no man. The proprietor has but a slender
privilege; nature is the patrimony of all.
How long shall we covet and oppress, enlarge our possessions and
account that too little which was formerly enough for a nation? . .
. A bull contents himself with one meadow, and one forest is enough
for a thousand elephants; but the little body of man devours more
than all other living creatures.
—Seneca, "Morals." Translation of Walter Clode, Chapter II.
Millions of human creatures are housed worse than the cattle and
horses of many a lord or squire. Nearly, a million of the London
poor need re-housing; the medical authority has reported against
141,000 houses as insanitary, in which the poor are huddled
together, in numbers varying from four to twelve and more in a
single room. What delicacy, modesty or self-respect can be expected
in men and women whose bodies are so shamefully packed together?
— CARDINAL VAUGHAN, Inaugural
Address to the Annual Conference of the Catholic Truth Society at
Stockport, published in the St. Vincent de Paul Quarterly, New
York, November, 1892, p 286.
The ground was in common and no part of it was the permanent
property of any man in particular; yet whoever was in occupation of
any determined spot of it, for rest, for shade or the like, acquired
for the time a sort of ownership, from which it would have been
unjust and contrary to the law of nature to have driven him by
force; but the instant that he quitted the use or occupation of it
another might seize it without injustice.
— SIR WILLIAM BLACKSTONE,
Commentaries, Book II., Chap. I, p. 3.
I stumbled across an excerpt from this in The American Cooperator, and when I couldn't find the material in any of George's other books, I went looking for the source, an 1887 book with chapters by 16 authors.
Enjoy! (It prints out as about 9 pages, if you're so inclined)
THE HISTORY, PURPOSE AND
POSSIBILITIES OF LABOR ORGANIZATIONS
IN EUROPE AND AMERICA; GUILDS, TRADES-
UNIONS, AND KNIGHTS OF LABOR; WAGES AND PROFITS;
HOURS OF LABOR; FUNCTIONS OF CAPITAL; CHINESE LABOR:
COMPETITION; ARBITRATION; PROFIT-SHARING AND
CO-OPERATION; PRINCIPLES OF THE KNIGHTS OF
LABOR; MORAL AND EDUCATIONAL AS-
PECTS OF THE LABOR QUESTION.
EDITED BY GEORGE E. McNEILL,
First Deputy of Mass. Bureau of Statistics of Labor; Sec.-Treas. of D. A. 30, Knights of Labor.
ASSOCIATE AUTHORS: TERENCE V. POWDERLY, G. M. W., K. of L.; DR. EDMUND J. JAMES, University of Pennsylvania; HON. JOHN J. O'NEILL, of Missouri;
HON. J. M. FARQUHAR, of New York; HON. ROBERT HOWARD, of Massachusetts; HENRY GEORGE, of New York;
ADOLPH STRASSER, Pres. Cigar Makers' Union; JOHN JARRETT, of
Pennsylvania; REV. R. HEBER NEWTON, of New York; F K. FOSTER, of
Massachusetts; P. M. ARTHUR, Chief Engineer Locomotive Brotherhood; W.
W. STONE and W. W. MORROW, of California; FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS,
"Springfield Union"; JOHN McBRIDE, Secretary Coal Miners' Union;
D.J.O'DONOGHUE, of Toronto, Canada; P. J. McGUIRE, Secretary Carpenters'
NEW YORK: THE M. W. HAZEN CO.
Copyright 1886, by
A M. BRIDGMAN & CO.
CHAPTER XXIII. THE LAND QUESTION.
MAGNITUDE OF THE QUESTION — FIRST PRINCIPLES — THE
LAND-OWNER THE ABSOLUTE MASTER OF MEN WHO MUST LIVE ON HIS LAND — THE
ORDER OF NATURE INVERTED — EQUAL RIGHTS TO THE USE OF THE EARTH —
SELFISHNESS, THE EVIL GENIUS OF MAN — THE IRISH PEOPLE FORCED TO BEG
PERMISSION TO TILL THE SOIL — APPROPRIATION OF THE CHURCH-LANDS — LAND
IN ITSELF HAS NO VALUE — THE GREAT CAUSE OF THE UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF
WEALTH — NO HOPE FOR THE LABORER, SO LONG AS PRIVATE PROPERTY IN LAND
EXISTS — NOTHING MYSTERIOUS ABOUT THE LABOR QUESTION — THE DIFFICULTY IN
FINDING EMPLOYMENT — NATURE OFFERS FREELY TO LABOR — NATURAL MEANS OF
EMPLOYMENT MONOPOLIZED — SPECULATION IN THE BOUNTIES OF NATURE.
BENEATH all the great social questions of our time lies one of primary
and universal importance, the question of the rights of men to the use
of the earth.
The magnitude of the pecuniary interests involved, the fact that the
influential classes in all communities where private property in land
exists are interested in its maintenance, lead to a disposition to
ignore or belittle the land question: but it is impossible to give any
satisfactory explanation of the most important social phenomena without
reference to it; and the growing unrest of the masses of all civilized
countries, under conditions which they feel to be galling and unjust,
must at length lead them, as the only way of securing the rights of
labor, to turn to the land question.
To see that the land question does involve the problem of the equitable
distribution of wealth; that it lies at the root of all the vexed social
questions of our time, and is, indeed, but another name for the great
labor question in all its phases, it is only needful to revert to first
principles, and to consider the relations between men and the planet
We find ourselves on the surface of a sphere, circling through
immeasurable space. Beneath our feet, the diameter of the planet extends
for eight thousand miles; above our heads night reveals countless
points of light, which science tells us are suns, that blaze billions of
miles away. In this inconceivably vast universe, we are confined to the
surface of our sphere, as the mariner in mid-ocean is confined to the
deck of his ship. We are limited to that line where the exterior of the
planet meets the atmospheric envelope that surrounds it. We may look
beyond, but cannot pass. We are not denizens of one element, like the
fish; but while our bodies must be upheld by one element, they must be
laved in another. We live on the earth, and in the air. In the search
for minerals men are able to descend for a few thousand feet into the
earth's crust, provided communication with the surface be kept open, and
air thus supplied; and in balloons men have ascended to like distances
above the surface; but on a globe of thirty-five feet diameter, this
range would be represented by the thickness of a sheet of paper. And
though it is thus possible for man to ascend for a few thousand feet
above the surface, or to descend for a few thousand feet below it, it is
only on the surface of the earth that he can habitually live and supply
his wants; nor can he do this on all parts of the surface of the globe,
but only on that smaller part, which we call land, as distinguished
from the water, while considerable parts even of the land are
uninhabitable by him.
By constructing vessels of materials obtained from land, and
provisioning them with the produce of land, it is true that man is able
to traverse the fluid-surface of the globe; yet he is none the less
dependent upon land. If the land of the globe were again to be
submerged, human life could not long be maintained on the best-appointed
Man, in short, is a land-animal. Physically considered, he is as much a
product of land as is the tree. His body, composed of materials drawn
from land, can only be maintained by nutriment furnished by land; and
all the processes by which he secures food, clothing and shelter consist
but in the working up of land or the products of land. Labor is
possible only on condition of access to land, and all human production
is but the union of land and labor, the transportation or transformation
of previously existing matter into places or forms suited to the
satisfaction of man's needs.
Land, being thus indispensable to man, the most important of social
adjustments is that which fixes the relations between men with regard to
that element. Where all are accorded equal rights to the use of the
earth, no one needs ask another to give him employment, and no one can
stand in fear of being deprived of the opportunity to make, a living. In
such a community, there could be no "labor question." There could be
neither degrading poverty nor demoralizing wealth. And the personal
independence arising from such a condition of equality, in respect to
the ability to get a living, must give character to all social and
On the other hand, inequality of privilege in the use of the earth must
beget inequality of wealth and power, must divide men into those who can
command and those who are forced to serve. The rewards which nature
yields to labor no longer go to the laborers in proportion to industry
and skill; but a privileged class are enabled to live without labor by
compelling a disinherited class to give up some part of their earnings
for permission to live and work. Thus the order of nature is inverted,
those who do no work become rich, and "workingman" becomes synonymous,
with "poor man." Material progress tends to monstrous wealth on one
side, and abject poverty on the other; and society is differentiated
into masters and servants, rulers and ruled.
If one man were permitted to claim the land of the world as his
individual property, he would be the absolute master of all humanity.
All the rest of mankind could live only by his permission, and under
such conditions as he chose to prescribe. So, if one man be permitted to
treat as his own the land of any country, he becomes the absolute
sovereign of its people. Or, if the land of a country be made the
property of a class, a ruling aristocracy is created, who soon begin to
regard themselves, and to be regarded, as of nobler blood and superior
rights. That "God will think twice before he damns people of quality,"
is the natural feeling of those who are taught to believe that the land
on which all must live is legitimately their private property.
As to that which is produced by Nature, without any aid from human
industry, I mean the land, since its vast extent provided enough for
all, in the early times when the human race was small, in numbers,
men appropriated at first as much as they thought they had need of;
the rest was left in common.
— PUFENDORF, Law of Nature and
Nations (1672) Book IV., Chap. 4, Sec. 6.
No generation of men can or could, with never such solemnity and
effort, sell land on any other principle; it is not the property of
any generation, we say, but that of all the past generations that
have worked on it, and of all the future ones that shall work on it.
— THOMAS CARLYLE, Past and
Present, Book III., Chap. 8.
"Of course the fact that a chief or land-owner has bought and paid
for a particular privilege or species of taboo, or has inherited
from his fathers, doesn't give him in any moral claim to it. The
question is, Is the claim in itself right and reasonable? for a
wrong is only all the more a wrong for having been long and
— GRANT ALLEN, The British
Barbarians. (Words spoken by Bertram.)
Being himself heir to a large property, he was especially struck by
the position taken up by Spencer in "Social Statics" that justice
forbids private land-holding, and with the straightforward
resoluteness of his age, had not merely spoken to prove that land
could not be looked upon as private property and written essays on
that subject at the university, but had acted up to his convictions,
and, considering it wrong to hold landed property, had given the
small piece of land he had inherited from his father to the
— COUNT LEO TOLSTOY, Resurrection,
Book I., Chap. 3.
I suppose the result must be . . . the establishment of society
under a wholly new idea. . . The leading features of any such
radical change must be a deep modification of the institution of
property — certainly in regard to land, and probably in regard to
— HARRIET MARTINEAU (1853),
Autobiography, Vol. II., Sec. 10, p. 119.
But if Egyptian civilization had its victims, it had also its
favorites. . . . There stood . . . that upper class . .
. owners of a large portion of the soil, and so possessed of
hereditary wealth, one which seemed born to enjoy existence and
"consume the fruits" of other men's toil and industry.
— GEORGE RAWLINSON, History of
Ancient Egypt, Vol. I., Chap. II., p. 533.
StarWatch investigation: State paid twice what some I-69 land was worth
To secure path for I-69, INDOT offered $7M for property appraised at $3.34M Written by Ryan Sabalow and Tim Evans | 7:47 PM, Nov 10, 2012
BLOOMINGTON, Ind. -- In 2006, Barry Elkins paid $850,000 for about 200
acres in Monroe County owned by former Indiana University basketball
coach Bob Knight.
$4,250 per acre
Elkins told a local newspaper he had no plans to develop the land. He
said he also was quite aware state officials planned to acquire at least
some of the property for the new I-69 freeway project.
Nonetheless, Elkins told a reporter: "It's a heck of a piece of ground."
Turns out, it produced a heck of a profit, too.
In July, state highway officials paid Elkins $2.41 million for an
easement covering 140 of the 200 acres. That's almost four times the
$658,800 that state appraisers said the easement was worth.
$17,214 per acre for the 140 acres.
$658,800 is $4,705 per acre.
The $2.41 million represents a profit of $1.56 million since 2006, still
leaves the owner with 60 acres with no easement and 140 acres with an
easement. The $1.56 million profit in 6 years on an $850,000 investment
is 84%! Quite a return! For what effort?
What did society get in return?
According to I-69 cost estimates INDOT provided this summer, $162.6
million in state and federal funds were spent on right-of-way purchases
along the new stretch of freeway.
He said the property payments also haven't caused the project to go over
budget. He said the I-69 project is 25 percent under budget estimates.
Officials this summer pegged the cost of the Evansville-to-Bloomington
project at $1.5 billion.
The land Elkins bought from Knight wasn't the only Monroe County
property along I-69's path that he sold to the state for far more than
its fair market value. He and two co-owners also got $348,600 for a
27-acre property appraised at $194,625; and $795,956 for 58 acres
appraised at $278,295.
As for the former Knight property, the state purchased the easement to
create an "environmental mitigation site" to make up for damage to
forests, wetlands, wildlife habitat and other natural resources caused
by the new freeway.
After the $2.41 million payday -- which was nearly three times the
amount Elkins paid Knight for the entire 200 acres -- Elkins still owns
the picturesque expanse of undeveloped pasture and woods about eight
miles southwest of Bloomington.
The easement forbids any development on 140 acres of the land but allows
Elkins to use it for "low-impact" recreational activities such as
hiking, photography and hunting.
And he doesn't have to pay property taxes.
One might reasonably ask what valuation Elkins was paying property taxes on before the transactions.
One might reasonably ask how much the labor costs on this project were -- what men and women got paid for their hours of labor put into building the highway, and then compare that to Mr. Elkins' and others' receipts as passive landholders!! Quite amazing that we treat the "rights" of landholders as more sacred than we make the rights of the community or of those who work.
One might reasonably wonder how soon the communities along the route of this new highway will revalue their land, and whether the communities will collect more from those whose land benefited from the presence of this highway (and less from those whose properties were in reality negatively impacted, should that be the case). In general, the aggregate benefits will far exceed the aggregate negative impacts, and would likely be enough to pay all the costs of the construction.
Mr. Elkins' free lunch did not come out of thin air. And likely, his heirs will continue to enjoy the benefit of it.
THIS is how wealth concentrates. This is why we are forced into taxing wages, and sales, and other things we have no business taxing!
"The land which saw you born has repudiated you; the laws have
excluded you from this common inheritance; you have cleared it, but
others possess it; you and the ox yoked to the plow are put on the
same level. Nature called you to a share in its domain, but
tyranny has pushed you aside and says, 'You are not men; live like
the beasts, to serve and obey me.' "
— MARMONTEL, Address in Favor of
the Peasants of the North (1757), Oeuvres, Vol, X., p. 74. (Speech
of an Imaginary Orator)
The game’s true origins, however, go unmentioned in the official literature. Three decades before Darrow’s patent, in 1903, a Maryland actress named Lizzie Magie created a proto-Monopoly as a tool for teaching the philosophy of Henry George, a nineteenth-century writer who had popularized the notion that no single person could claim to “own” land. In his book Progress and Poverty (1879), George called private land ownership an “erroneous and destructive principle” and argued that land should be held in common, with members of society acting collectively as “the general landlord.”
Magie called her invention The Landlord’s Game, and when it was released in 1906 it looked remarkably similar to what we know today as Monopoly. It featured a continuous track along each side of a square board; the track was divided into blocks, each marked with the name of a property, its purchase price, and its rental value. The game was played with dice and scrip cash, and players moved pawns around the track. It had railroads and public utilities — the Soakum Lighting System, the Slambang Trolley — and a “luxury tax” of $75. It also had Chance cards with quotes attributed to Thomas Jefferson (“The earth belongs in usufruct to the living”), John Ruskin (“It begins to be asked on many sides how the possessors of the land became possessed of it”), and Andrew Carnegie (“The greatest astonishment of my life was the discovery that the man who does the work is not the man who gets rich”). The game’s most expensive properties to buy, and those most remunerative to own, were New York City’s Broadway, Fifth Avenue, and Wall Street. In place of Monopoly’s “Go!” was a box marked “Labor Upon Mother Earth Produces Wages.” The Landlord Game’s chief entertainment was the same as in Monopoly: competitors were to be saddled with debt and ultimately reduced to financial ruin, and only one person, the supermonopolist, would stand tall in the end. The players could, however, vote to do something not officially allowed in Monopoly: cooperate. Under this alternative rule set, they would pay land rent not to a property’s title holder but into a common pot—the rent effectively socialized so that, as Magie later wrote, “Prosperity is achieved.”
Readers of this blog know that Lizzie Magie had created her game and started to promote it by the Fall of 1902.
“Monopoly players around the kitchen table”—which is to say, most people—“think the game is all about accumulation,” he said. “You know, making a lot of money. But the real object is to bankrupt your opponents as quickly as possible. To have just enough so that everybody else has nothing.” In this view, Monopoly is not about unleashing creativity and innovation among many competing parties, nor is it about opening markets and expanding trade or creating wealth through hard work and enlightened self-interest, the virtues Adam Smith thought of as the invisible hands that would produce a dynamic and prosperous society. It’s about shutting down the marketplace. All the players have to do is sit on their land and wait for the suckers to roll the dice.
Smith described such monopolist rent-seekers, who in his day were typified by the landed gentry of England, as the great parasites in the capitalist order. They avoided productive labor, innovated nothing, created nothing—the land was already there—and made a great deal of money while bleeding those who had to pay rent. The initial phase of competition in Monopoly, the free-trade phase that happens to be the most exciting part of the game to watch, is really about ending free trade and nixing competition in order to replace it with rent-seeking.
This is a good article, and I commend it in its entirety to your attention. It also provides links to Tom Forsythe's new site, http://landlordsgame.info/, whose graphics show many early versions of the Landlord's Game, which I look forward to exploring. I learned for the first time that the game layout that I had thought was an early one, with a lake in the center, was actually a 1939 version, based on Lizzie Magie's design but published by Parker Brothers. (I ought to have figured that out sooner, since the board includes her married name!)
It is interesting that one of the earlier versions -- 1909 -- was based on Altoona's streets. In the past year, Altoona has shifted to taxing land and not taxing buildings to fund its municipal spending. (This was a gradual shift, accomplished over a number of years; they must have liked the effect!)
The doctrine that land can become the private property of one is a
doctrine morally repugnant to the Bantu. The idea which is today
beginning to haunt Europe, that, as the one possible salve for our
social wounds and diseases, it might be well if the land should
become again the property of the nation at large, is no ideal to the
Bantu, but a realistic actuality. He finds it difficult, if not
impossible, to reconcile his sense of justice with any other form of
— OLIVE SCHREINER, Stray Thoughts
on South Africa, Fortnightly Review, July, 1896, p. 6.
Henry George is the most famous American popular economist you've never heard of, a 19th century cross between Michael Lewis, Howard Dean and Ron Paul. Progress and Poverty, George's most important book, sold three million copies and was translated into German, French, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Spanish, Russian, Hungarian, Hebrew and Mandarin. During his lifetime, George was probably the third best-known American, eclipsed only by Thomas Edison and Mark Twain. He was admired by the foreign luminaries of the age, too -- Leo Tolstoy, Sun-Yat Sen and Albert Einstein, who wrote that "men like Henry George are unfortunately rare. One cannot image a more beautiful combination of intellectual keenness, artistic form and fervent love of justice." George Bernard Shaw described his own thinking about the political economy as a continuation of the ideas of George, whom he had once heard deliver a speech.
Later, she writes,
George found most mysterious about the economic consequences of the
industrial revolution was that its failure to deliver economic
prosperity was not uniform -- instead it had created a winner-take-all
society: "Some get an infinitely better and easier living, but others
find it hard to get a living at all. The 'tramp' comes with the
locomotives, and almshouses and prisons are as surely the marks of
'material progress' as are costly dwellings, rich warehouses and
magnificent churches. Upon streets lighted with gas and patrolled by
uniformed policeman, beggars wait for the passer-by, and in the shadow
of college, and library, and museum, are gathering the more hideous Huns
and fiercer Vandals of whom Macaulay prophesied."
diagnosis was beguilingly simple -- the fruits of innovation weren't
widely shared because they were going to the landlords. This was a very
American indictment of industrial capitalism: at a time when Marx was
responding to Europe's version of progress and poverty with a wholesale
denunciation of private property, George was an enthusiastic supporter
of industry, free trade and a limited role for government. His culprits
were the rentier rich, the landowners who profited hugely from
industrialization and urbanization, but did not contribute to it.
had such tremendous popular appeal because he addressed the obvious
inequity of 19th century American capitalism without disavowing
capitalism itself. George wasn't trying to build a communist utopia. His
campaign promise was to rescue America from the clutches of the robber
barons and to return it to "the democracy of Thomas Jefferson." That
ideal -- as much Tea Party as Occupy Wall Street -- won support not only
among working class voters and their leaders, like Samuel Gompers, but
also resonated with many small businessmen. Robert Ingersoll, a
Republican orator, attorney and intellectual, was a George supporter. He
urged his fellow Republicans to back his man and thereby "show that
their sympathies are not given to bankers, corporations and
I commend the entire post, adapted from Freeland's new book, Plutocrats. It ends with these paragraphs:
today urgently needs a 21st century Henry George -- a thinker who
embraces the wealth-creating power of capitalism, but squarely faces the
inequity of its current manifestation. That kind of thinking is missing
on the right, which is still relying on Reagan-era trickle-down
economics and hopes complaints about income inequality can be silenced
with accusations of class war. But the left isn't doing much better
either, preferring nostalgia for the high-wage, medium-skill
manufacturing jobs of the post-war era and China-bashing to a serious
and original effort to figure out how to make 21st century capitalism
work for the middle class.
and the technology revolution aren't going away -- and thank goodness
for that. Industrialization didn't go away either. But between 1886,
when George lost the mayoral race, and the presidency of FDR, American
progressives invented, fought for and implemented a broad range of new
social and political institutions to make capitalism serve the whole of
society -- ranging from trust-busting, to the income tax, to the welfare
are living in an era of comparably tumultuous economic change. The
great challenge of our time is to devise the new social and political
institutions we need to make the new economy work for everyone. So far,
that is a historic task neither party is taking on with enough energy,
honesty or originality."
Along the same lines, you might find interesting an earlier post here, an article by Thomas Shearman entitled "Henry George's Mistakes." (He was a co-founder of Shearman & Sterling, and went on to write some excellent articles on plutocracy in The Standard, October, 1887.)
Before any effectual social renovation can take place, men must
efface the abuse which has grown up out of the transition from the
feudal to the more modern state; the abuse of land being held as
— HARRIET MARTINEAU, Autobiography
(1855), Vol. II., Sec. 10, p. 119.
The common ownership of mines necessarily followed, with an
allotment of lands to anyone who wished to live by tilling the land;
but not a foot of the land was remitted to private hands for
purposes of selfish pleasure or the exclusion of any other from the
— W. D. HOWELLS, A Traveler from
Altruria, Chap. XI., p. 271.
His next task, and indeed the most hazardous he ever undertook, was
the making a new division of their lands. For there was an
extreme inequality among them, and their State was overloaded with a
multitude of indigent and necessitous persons, while its whole
wealth had centered upon a very few.
"Let's try to be logical. This copse is considered yours by the
actual law of the country you live in; your tribes permit it to you;
you're allowed to taboo it. Very well then, I make all possible
allowances for your strange hallucinations. You've been brought up
to think that you have some mystic and intangible claim to this
corner of earth more than other people, even your Christians. That
claim of course you cannot logically defend."
— GRANT ALLEN, The British
Barbarians. (Words spoken by Bertram.)
We now speak of property in land; and there is a difficulty in
explaining the origin of this property consistently with the law of
nature; for the land was once, no doubt, common; and the question
is, how any particular part of it could justly be taken out of the
common and so appropriated to the first owner as to give him a
better right to it than others; and what is more, a right to exclude
others from it. Moralists have given many different accounts of this
matter, which diversity alone, perhaps, is a proof that none of them
— ARCHDEACON PALEY, Moral and
Political Philosophy (1785), Book III., Part I., Chap 4.
See also January 28 and 29, and Kate Kennedy's "Paley's Pigeons."
All that natural law does is to suggest the establishment of
property when the welfare of human society demands it, leaving it to
the wisdom of men to determine whether they should allow private
property in all things or only in some, and whether they should hold
those which they appropriate separately or in common, leaving the
rest to the first occupant, so that no one can assume the right to
enjoy them alone.
— PUFENDORF, Law of Nature and
Nations (1672), Book IV., Chap. 4, Sec. 4.
Equity, therefore, does not permit property in land. For if
one portion of the earth's surface may justly become the
possession of an individual and may be held by him for his sole use
and benefit as a thing to which he has an exclusive right, then
other portions of the earth's surface may be so held; and eventually
the whole of the earth's surface may be so held; and our planet may
thus lapse into private hands.
— HERBERT SPENCER, in 1850, Social
Statics, Chap. IX.
In the early ages of society it would have been impossible to
maintain the exclusive ownership of a few persons in what seems at
first sight an equal gift to all (the land) — a thing to which
everyone has the same claim.
— WALTER BAGEHOT (1826-1877),
Economic Studies, Essay I., Part I., p. 31.
"The wages problem resolves itself into a very simple question, viz.: Which is the better for a community — to have 10,000,000 men earning $2.50 a day, with hours that enable them to read and rest and pass a fair proportion of their time with their families, and at the same time have no millionaires, or to have those 10,000,000 men working fifteen hours a day at $1.50, and have a few score millionaires?"
The Standardwas devoted to issues like this, and makes excellent reading in this decade and century.
It might be worth noting that in those days when one spoke of a millionaire, the reference was to someone whose assets totalled over $1 million. Today, it is commonly used to refer to someone whose annual income is over $1 million. But you'll notice what workmen's wages were in 1887 -- $1.50 a day is $468 per year*, and likely didn't leave much, if anything, for savings. [6 days a week.]
So which IS better for the community? The families making $1.50 or $2.50 a day are spending nearly every penny of that, just in order to get by. The millionaires can only spend so much on the necessities of daily life, plus some generous amount on luxuries. The rest they will invest, one way or another, and the wise ones, in our current structure, will "invest" in land -- particularly choice urban sites -- and natural resources, since we as a society are so generous about letting the owners of these assets keep most of what those assets earn, despite them having nothing to do with having created those assets, and being in no position to create more in response to demand, which will naturally increase with population!!
THAT is the problem with our current "generosity."
The spending of the 10 million on the necessities of daily life creates jobs for a lot of other people. (The portion that goes to their landlords in payment for the right to occupy bits of urban -- or other -- land, DOESN'T create any jobs; it simply enriches the landlord. I don't begrudge the landlord the portion that relates to the building, or to services he provides, such as, say, a doorman in the city.)
That any human being should dare to apply to another the epithet
"pauper" is, to me, the greatest, the vilest, the most unpardonable
crime that could be committed. Each human being by mere birth
has a birthright in this earth and all its productions; and if they
do not receive it, then it is they who are injured, and it is not
the "pauper," oh, inexpressibly wicked word! — it is the well-to-do
who are the criminal classes.
— RICHARD JEFFERIES, The Story of
My Heart, Chap. X., p. 122.