I spent last evening working on a piece I hope to post later, and only got to yesterday's NYT "most emailed" this morning, too late to post on the NYT website my comment re: Robert Reich's article titled "Totally Spent" which begins,
WE’RE
sliding into recession, or worse, and Washington is turning to the
normal remedies for economic downturns. But the normal remedies are not
likely to work this time, because this isn’t a normal downturn.
and continues later ...
The first way was to send more women into paid work. Most women
streamed into the work force in the 1970s less because new professional
opportunities opened up to them than because they had to prop up family
incomes. The percentage of American working mothers with school-age
children has almost doubled since 1970 — to more than 70 percent. But
there’s a limit to how many mothers can maintain paying jobs.
So
Americans turned to a second way of spending beyond their hourly wages.
They worked more hours. The typical American now works more each year
than he or she did three decades ago. Americans became veritable
workaholics, putting in 350 more hours a year than the average
European, more even than the notoriously industrious Japanese.
But
there’s also a limit to how many hours Americans can put into work, so
Americans turned to a third way of spending beyond their wages. They
began to borrow. With housing prices rising briskly through the 1990s
and even faster from 2002 to 2006, they turned their homes into piggy
banks by refinancing home mortgages and taking out home-equity loans.
But this third strategy also had a built-in limit. With the bursting of
the housing bubble, the piggy banks are closing.
The binge seems to be over. We’re finally reaping the whirlwind of widening inequality and ever more concentrated wealth.
Here's what I put together ...
I'm with Mr. Reich, and many of the nearly 200 responders before me,
part way. But I think they all are missing something vitally
important. As wages rise, so do rents. Landlords with land to rent,
be it for housing or for commercial uses, and Sellers with land to
sell, be it for housing or commercial uses, can command higher rents as
wages rise. So a large share of the gain in wages won't be available
to workers for satisfying more of their wants and needs; it will go
into the portfolios of landlords and sellers. (The buildings on the
landlords' and sellers' properties are depreciating assets -- 1.5%
annually; it is the land which increases in value in response to
economic activity, technological progress and population growth.)
The implication of this truth is that until and unless we correct the
structural situation which allows landlords and sellers to privatize
the economic rent, raising wages is going to largely benefit the people
who own our best land. We've already seen this as women entered the
workplace in large numbers for longer parts of their lives; as men and
women worked more hours; as people increased their borrowing from 80%
to 90% to 95% to 103% of purchase prices; lengthened the mortgage terms; paid only interest on their mortgages; as buyers increased the share
of their wages they spend on housing from 25% to closer to 40%; and
buyers took on teaser-rate mortgages just to get into the market,
driving up the portfolios of sellers.
How do we fix this? Just as our great-grandparents knew: through
moving our tax base from wages and sales to land. Henry George laid it
out most eloquently and clearly in Progress & Poverty, but he was
not the first to recognize these truths, or the last to acknowledge
their importance.
Talk about tweaking individual and corporate income tax brackets is
akin to rearranging the deck chairs to hear the music better. If we
can't open our minds to think outside the income tax box -- and that
doesn't mean using any form of sales tax -- we're not going to improve
things for the vast majority of our fellow members of society.
Land, in all its forms from urban and suburban sites, the value of
natural resources, electromagnetic spectrum, water rights, roads, to
airport congestion, etc., is a reliable and logical and just tax
base. If we close our eyes to that truth and to the logical
implications of allowing all that value to reside in private pockets,
we continue to create poverty. How much did Exxon pay in royalties, and to
whom did they pay them? How much in taxes? I'd argue that we're owed
royalties, at the federal level, without regard for what entity has
title to the land or oil rights. That oil value is ours, not individual
property. Jed Clampett is no more entitled to that revenue than the rest of us.
Mr. Reich, will you take a look at these ideas? You might start by
searching for "quotable-Nobels" together with "quotable-notables" and
exploring the site on which you find those two phrases.
Education is the key ... but education in land-based economics must be
a large component, if our other problems are ever going to be solved.
-
lvtfan
said...
-
I returned later in the morning to add this comment.Policies and programs are not going to do it. What we need is to revise our system of what we tax and what we don't tax. Hundreds of years ago, a wise economist noted that landlords grow rich in their sleep. Every bit of pork spending, every bit of local public investment in schools, roads, bridges, libraries, fire and ambulance, good hospitals, water, sanitary and storm water management, etc., has the same effect: it increases property values.
(Other forces also work to increase property values: population growth and technological progress. None of these are bad things -- they are all desirable.)
But the effect, as we conduct ourselves now, is to enrich those who own the choice bits of land, at the expense of those who need land. Since none of us come with our own hover packs that allow us to float endlessly a bit above the ground, we must either pay a landlord each month for the use of a bit of "his" land, or save our pennies to buy our "own" bit of land, or spend decades paying off the lender who provides some large fraction of the purchase price to pay off a seller.
But that landlord and that seller didn't create the land value. We all did. So why should we permit, by our traditions and choices of what we tax and what we don't tax much, the landlord and the seller to grow richer in their sleep, while others must toil to pay them?
Meanwhile, many of us are paying 30%, 40%, and far more of our wages to pay for housing. I'm not talking about granite counters; I'm talking about mostly paying for location, not for landlord-provided amenities.
So what's the alternative? The tenant is still going to pay the landlord, yes. But instead of the landlord paying a small tax on his land and a small tax on his building, and a small income tax after accounting for interest and depreciation (and, by the way, most landlords have figured out how to depreciate land, and the same building gets depreciated over and over by a series of landlords, each starting from a higher figure!) and a small "capital" gains tax and some sales taxes, we should be asking the landlord to pay a much larger tax on the land value -- in effect, passing through to the commons the portion of the monthly rent paid by the tenant which reflects the land value of the property. In cities, this is a large percentage; on the fringe, not all that much.
Similarly, by collecting every month from all landholders the economic value of the land, when someone wants to buy a house, all they're buying is the house itself, which is a depreciating asset. That may be a small fraction of the current purchase price, particularly in cities. And by paying monthly to the community for land value, and paying to the mortgage lender only for the loan on the structure itself, one's monthly costs go way down.
That is how we fix poverty. A lot of other good things happen if we embrace this.
1. The owners of choice downtown land will be motivated to put it to better use, which will create jobs both in the construction phase and when the new structures are in place. Jobs will chase people, driving wages upward. Currently, people are chasing scarce jobs, driving wages downward.
2. Sprawl will slow, even reverse, because most businesses want to be downtown, in the center of activity, and by creating venues for them where they want to be, there won't be pressure at the edges. Similarly, housing will be created closer to where people work. Shorter commutes, less time in cars, less energy used, fewer dollars used commuting. That saves money, time, fuel, pollution.
3. The more dense downtown areas will provide the critical mass for effective and efficient public transportation. Also walkable cities, which leads to healthier people.
Let the land owners fend for themselves. The landed gentry of England held the land, and collected the rents from their grateful tenants, who knew their place in the system. The landed gentry of the post-civil war south collected "their" share of their tenants' crops for permitting the former slaves (and whoever else needed a place to live -- poor whites, Native Americans, etc.) to use some land. Generous, weren't they?
None of us created the land. None of us can create another acre, or another downtown building lot. We need to share what already exists, use the incentives which will cause it to be put to its highest and best use (downtown that might be housing or commercial; on the fringe, agriculture or open spaces). We mustn't let some monopolize it, even when they cry "property rights." Land is different from that which man can create. Property rights are legitimate when they relate to what man creates.
This is the sort of policy change it will take to end poverty.
Or shall we keep talking about bandaids? (Keep in mind that we're really good at bandaids, but they haven't worked yet!)
You can read more about these ideas at http://www.wealthandwant.com/, http://www.answersanswers.com/, http://www.henrygeorge.org/.
By the way ... I am very impressed with the Self-Sufficiency Standard as a way to put some real dimensions on the problem of poverty. You'll find a lot of data drawn from the SSS's on my website, http://www.wealthandwant.com/, linked from the front page, right-hand column:
How much does it cost a young family to live at the "all one's basic needs met" level? -- at
http://www.wealthandwant.com/issues/pov/sss/index.htm
How does that level compare to the Federal Poverty Guideline? at http://www.wealthandwant.com/issues/pov/sss/sss_more.htm
How many of us are living below that level? And how many of our children are living below that level? at http://www.wealthandwant.com/issues/pov/income-to-poverty-ratios.htm
What does life cost in America's lowest-cost counties? at http://www.wealthandwant.com/issues/pov/sss/low-cost_counties.htm
What sort of compromises do those with incomes below that level have to make? at http://www.wealthandwant.com/issues/pov/sss/life_below.htm
Last year, the people who did the SSS study for Connecticut also issued a report quantifying how many people (under age 65) are living below the Self-Sufficiency Standard level. I regard that as a step in the right direction. see http://www.cga.ct.gov/PCSW/Publication%20PDFs/2007/WCS%20Full%20Report.pdf
However, as you might guess from my previous post, I'm not optimistic that the programs proposed in the SSS studies are going to solve the problem.
We've got to get to the root of it, which is not a problem with individuals but with our basic economic structure, as I've detailed above. "Fixing" individuals may change which individuals are impoverished, but won't reduce poverty, given our structure. The landed will still be the ones getting richer, and those who need land -- all of us! -- will be the poorer.